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«  The Semantics and Polysemy of Goal Marking Postpositions in Japanese John Beavers Department of Linguistics Stanford University Stanford, CA, ...»

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-made is just that it realizes a limit on an event, but it does not necessarily carry any path semantics and in this sense is not defining the framing event of the motion construction. It is only due to the kind of logical necessity of boundaries of motion events described in the last section that -made happens to yield a reading in which it appears to be realizing a goal as a satellite. In this sense it is not necessarily covered in Talmy’s typology, which does not bar expressions in languages from realizing boundary points on events (which presumably all languages may do on a variety of temporal, propositional, and spatial grounds). Therefore the analysis proposed in (17) is actually consistent with Talmy’s typology despite the apparent contradiction, something otherwise unexplainable by previous analyses. 9 There are also satellites in other verb-framed languages that have similar properties to -made, in particular hasta in Spanish and jusque in French, both of which appear to add some sort of path/goal semantics to motion+manner verbs (although typically these prepositions do not necessarily entail arrival but merely movement up to a goal, cf. Aske (1989)).

However, each of these prepositions also has more general delimiting uses similar to -made and thus might be covered by a similar analysis.

7 Conclusion In this paper I showed that, despite common assumptions about the lexical semantics of the two Japanese goal-marking postpositions, -ni and -made, neither of these postpositions needs to be analyzed specifically as a goal-marker at all. Instead, subtle differences in their distribution with motion+path verbs combined with their uses outside of motion constructions indicate that they are fullling two entirely different functions, -ni as a participant marker and -made as an event delimiter.

Although this is only a sketch of an analysis, it points to a broader area of the interaction of properties of events and properties of predicates. Presumably events have a vast number of properties (participants, results, aspect, times, places, manners), only some of which are realized by predicates over events (e.g. figure, path, and goal for motion+path verbs, figure and manner for motion+manner verbs). Since -ni is marking a participant in the structure of a predicate over motion events, then it’s natural for it to be sensitive to both properties of predicates (like predicate type) and properties of events (as mediated by the predicate). If -made is not tied to predicates at all (showing no predicate restrictions) but instead realizes properties of events like limits (sensitive to event properties like durativity), then the near convergence of the functions of these lexical items, as “goal-markers”, is a property of the interaction of these two semantic levels and the linguistic elements that encode the relevant properties. How this interaction works is a matter of future investigation.

References Aske, J. (1989). Path predicates in English and Spanish: A closer look. In Proceedings of Berkeley Linguistics Society 15, pp. 1–14.

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u Hale, K. and S. J. Keyser (1993). On argument structure and the lexical expresion of syntactic relations. In K. Hale and S. J. Keyser (Eds.), The View from Building 20: Essays in Lingusitics in Honor of Sylvain Bromberger. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

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